Foreword to Datu Mike Mastura's book Part 2

The second part...This time on the peace process

Peace Process

This book also gives some insights about the peace process, including the current talks being facilitated by Malaysia. In general a peace process can be seen as “persistent peace initiatives that develop beyond initial statements of intent and involve the main antagonists in a protracted conflict” (Darby and Mac Ginty, 2008: 3) The process itself involves an extensive set of variables: for example the peace initiatives can be formal and informal, public or private, subject to popular endorsement or restricted to elite-level agreement, and can be sponsored by external sources or spring from internal sources. It is also a fact that all peace processes are fragile, and most fail sooner rather than later. Lastly, the implementation of a peace accord is dependent on the political will of the parties and on international and economic context.

Achieving peace in a protracted armed conflict like the one in Mindanao is difficult. At the end of the day, it is accepted that a military strategy has its limitations. The attainment of “expectations” and “means” to fulfill these expectations must be tied to another process which focuses on dialogue. Success of this process depends on a number of factors which may include the following:

1.      Sincerity and willingness of the armed actors to engage peacefully. This is not only the beginning but also the most crucial point. Without sincerity there can never be a solution. Efforts for peace will just be for show – to win votes, get funding, support, or position. It is heartening to note though that in this current talks both sides have shown sincerity and political will.

 

2.      Possibility of starting a peace process. This refers to the need to set the scene for a process to begin. Are the parties ready? Are they clear with their expectations; not only with the end result but also with the process? Do they have the people with the skills and knowledge to negotiate with the other side? Do they have the mandate of the people and the masses that make up or contribute to the “movement”?  

3.      Inclusivity. It should involve all the necessary actors including the “militant” groups; if possible, including the different factions as well. This is because neglected parties might go on to become potential spoilers in the process. Inclusivity also means involving the affected public and other stakeholders through a process of consultation. The public need to know what is going on and what is the current status of the process. Uninformed public can lead to dissatisfaction with the process and unwillingness to support any decision made as well as future implementation exercise. Both sides have been actively engaged in this activity, especially since the collapse of the MOA-AD talks in 2008 and the subsequent Supreme Court rulings.

4.      Anticipating and managing the problem of continuing violence. There are bound to be incidences of violence perpetrated by over-anxious elements in a long running armed conflict like this. The MILF has had to deal with dissatisfied and impatient local commanders wanting to move faster and venting their frustration in a violent manner, while the GPH has been having problems of coordination of activities on the ground, resulting in confusion in strategies and misadventures which have proved disastrous for them. Where possible, the issue of continuing violence has to be managed in a proper way. The Mindanao process comes with an early agreement on a ceasefire and the creation of bodies to monitor and take action of situations on the ground, such as the Coordinating Committee on Cessation of Hostilities (CCCH), the Ad Hoc Joint Action Group (AHJAG), and the Malaysian led International Monitoring Team (IMT). At the same time, it should be noted that the absence of war or armed confrontation is not peace. Just because the sides are not currently in direct armed confrontation with each other does not mean that they are satisfied with the process or that they will not be involved in a confrontation in the future. It just might mean that the mechanism to anticipate and manage violence is working well. This would have to be supported by other mechanisms in the process.

5.      Being organic and cumulative. This basically means that efforts for peace must come from within, from the soil of conflict and the nation. It cannot be imposed from outside or decided and dictated by those who might not be in touch with local realities. The process is dynamic in nature and each exercise builds on the previous ones. What has been decided should be honoured and not “un-decide” or reversed. Commitment to build a joint future should be based upon achieving justice for the past.  International “best practice” can be a guide but should not overwhelm the process as achievements based on local traditions which understand localized needs can at times prove to be more enduring.

6.      Willingness to bargain or deal creatively with each other. Peace processes are deals, they require trade-offs. Each comes with their own interests and positions, but it should not be a scenario “of take it or leave it”. Moving from a personal interest or position to a joint one requires a whole lot of ingenuity. Negotiation is not a race and there is no prize for those finishing first. The prize is when they are able to come up with a formula for a sustainable and enduring peace that can fulfill the expectations of both sides.

7.      The ability of the leaders to deliver their own people – persuading their followers to endorse the process and the decisions. The leaders are effective as long as they are provided with the support and mandate of their respective constituents. Peace negotiations are done not only for the people but should take the people’s interests, needs, and aspirations into account. Insofar as this is done, the people will lend their support to the process, including endorsing and implementing any decisions made. Political elites then must find ways to broaden the appeal of the peace process and peace accords.

8.      In some processes, an important point is being able to re-integrate members of the security forces and paramilitary groups into normal society. Such initiatives must be integrated with moves to address the needs of the victims of violence. This is important especially when you have a large standing security force. Those not re-integrated properly might become potential lost-command spoilers. Although the situation of Mindanao is not exactly the same as the one in Aceh, there are lessons that can be learnt from the re-integration process of former GAM combatants.

9.      Peace is a development issue. Sustaining peace depends in large part on the ability of the leaders to deliver peace dividends to the long suffering masses. People expect the relative deprivations that they suffered during conflict times and that have brought about the revolutionary war in the first place to be resolved. Development is also a strategy to ensure economic grievances are addressed. Failure to address development and livelihood issues may lead to a public disenchantment that overshadows political or constitutional compromises.

10.  A peace accord does not end the peace process. An agreement on democratic access to, and distribution of, power has to be agreed if the central grievances cannot be resolved under existing national political framework. The peace process under this circumstance cannot be regarded as complete unless a political and constitutional framework has been approved and properly implemented. This is crucial in self determination type conflicts including in Mindanao. Lastly, if the agreement is to be accepted by the followers, it must be subjected to democratic validation through referendum or such election oriented process. A time frame can be suggested as part of this process. Parties might also want to amend or re-negotiate some provisions in the agreement that are not accepted by their supporters after being presented. This may also be due to the inability or difficulty to implement these provisions. There is, however, a danger though that this might result in the regression of the process and cause further rifts between the parties. 

Datu Mastura in this book has given us many insights about the MILF struggle and the Mindanao peace process from the perspectives of an insider. His insights lead us to a better understanding of what goes on behind the closed doors during the talks and how this is connected to and driven by the philosophy of the MILF struggle. We hope the book will be widely read and used to generate better understanding about the MILF, the Bangsamoro struggle and the Mindanao peace process. We are grateful for being asked to help out in the publication of this book and are deeply honoured to have been asked to write this foreword as the introduction to the book. Our sincerest wish is for peace to prevail so that our daughter Puteri Sofea can return home to a peaceful and prosperous Mindanao. Please give peace a “cha-chance” in Mindanao.

Kamarulzaman (Zam) Askandar & Ayesah Abubakar

Pulau Pinang, December 2011